Indiascope- As India Engages With The World
Sunday, February 19, 2023
Chhatrapati Shivaji and the Idea of Swarajya
Friday, December 30, 2022
Rakhmabai and Aadhar Card
The bus stopped at a stop known as Tarangewadi. Four elderly people, two men and two women boarded the bus. Their looks could tell their tales of life- exhausting and tiresome. One was elderly couple. The man was well built. His wife followed his way from the bus door to the seat. "Seat there", he commanded pointing out to the seat next to him. The other elderly man was typical rural folk. Wearing his Topi and Shirt, he helplessly looked here and there for seats. An another women was doing the same but she was quite confident that she would get one.
She was Rakhmabai, probably in 70s, wearing Nauvari, a Marathi drapery. Her Nauvari was not of the fashionable ones of urban elite wear in fancy marriages but of the common peasant toiling hard in farms. She found seat near window at the backside. Four folks from Tarangewadi got seats, although different ones.
The bus conductor started from the elderly couple. "Where?", he asked to the man. The man answered, "Natepute," while showing his Aadhar Card. His wife did the same. Both of them didn't pay anything but got the tickets. In Maharashtra, senior citizens above 75 years can travel freely using State bus transport. The next turn was of another elderly man, Tatya, lets name him. Conductor reached to Tatya's seat. Again the same question. Tatya said while showing his State Transport Senior Citizen card. "One for Barad. I'm also senior citizen above 75 years" Barad is a small town, a next stop after Tarangewadi for buses traveling to Pandharpur and other main stations.
The conductor asked for Aadhar Card. Tatya got irritated. In his aggressive tone, he roared ,"Why do I need Aadhar Card now? Is this not enough?" The conductor politely said," The machine needs Aadhar number to give you free ticket, otherwise you have to take half ticket without Aadhar Card. Tatya was in no mood to listen. The argument started.
There enters Rakhmabai into the argument. After hearing conductor's sentence that he would pay for half ticket but Tatya has to take it as he have no Aadhar card, she targeted Tatya. Standing up in running bus from her seat, she asked Tatya to pay for half ticket. "If you don't pay, Saheb's job will be in danger, why don't you pay for half ticket of Rs 25 while he is even ready to drop you home next time you need to travel?"
The conductor was confused. Giving sheepish smile to Rakhmabai, he requested her to sit down and not to interfere. But Rakhmabai continued confidently. By now all the passengers in the bus were looking at her what she has to say. She was eager to talk. In her hands, she had Aadhar Card, Senior Citizen Card and also Voter ID card. Referring to Tatya, she thundered, "Why can't you bring Aadhar Card if you have to travel free? I have three cards despite being a woman. You are man still you can't even bring a Aadhar Card."
The conductor's sheepish smile turned into laughter. He again requested Rakhmabai to sit down. The elderly man also got into action. In his proper Deccan tone, he said to Tatya, "This is Aadhar card, everybody has it since childhood, you should also have it." Tatya had no option now than to pay.
As the conductor again politely tried to convince Tatya that he has no option. "I'm telling you what Government orders are. I don't want you to pay, but its my job." Tatya was silent by now.Afterall his Rs 25 were gone. The bus catched up speed to reach Barad, where Tatya had to reach. The four unknowns and the conductor got into their own worlds forgetting the argument about the small but important piece of paper called as Aadhar card that made their lives better and complex at the same time.
Written by
Chaitanya
रखमाबाई आणि आधार कार्ड
चार म्हातारी माणसं, दोन बापे आणि दोन बाया म्हणजे दोन पुरुष व दोन महिला बसमध्ये आले. त्यांचे थकलेले आणि केविलवाणे चेहरेच त्यांच्याविषयी बरंच काही सांगून जात होते. त्यातले दोघे नवरा बायको होते. सत्तरीच्या घरात असावेत. त्यातला माणूस जागा शोधत शोधत मागे गेला. दोन सीटा मिळाल्या की तो समाधानी झाला. बायकोला आज्ञा झाली, "बस तिथं. " दुसरा इसम हा पण सत्तरीत असावा. त्याच नाव असावं तात्या. त्याच्या वारकरी टोपीत अँड आणि सदऱ्यातून येणार घाम पुसत तो मागच्या सीटवर जाऊन बसला. त्याच्या शेजारच्या सीटवर ती चौथी आज्जी बसली.
तिचं नाव रखमाबाई. ती पण सत्तरीत असावी. शेलक्या पद्धतीने नऊवारी नेसून ती सीट शोधत होती मोठ्या आत्मविश्वासाने. तिची नऊवारी मुंबई पुण्यातल्यासारखी लग्नात मिरवणारी नव्हती. शेतात काबाडकष्ट करणारी नऊवारी तिला मोठा अभिमान देऊन जात होती.
तरंगेवाडीच्या प्रवाशांची तिकिटे कंडक्टर काढत होता. त्या वृद्ध जोडप्यापासून त्यानं सुरुवात केली. "कुठं जायचंय, मामा?" आपलं आधार कार्ड दाखवत, टोपी सांभाळत मामा म्हणाले,"नातेपुते, दोन. " तिकीट घेतलं, पैसे मात्र दिले नाहीत. महाराष्ट्र सरकार ७५ वर्षांवरील नागरिकांना एस.टी. ने मोफत प्रवास करायची सुविधा देतं. कंडक्टर पुढे सरकला. आता नंबर होता तात्यांचा. कंडक्टर ने परत तोच प्रश्न केला, "कुठे जायचं?" तात्या म्हणाले, "बरड, मी पण पंच्याहत्तर ओलांडल्यात." आपले एस. टी .चं कार्ड दाखवत तात्या गरजले. बरड म्हणजे फलटण पंढरपूर रोडवरच छोटंसं गाव.
कंडक्टरने आधार कार्ड मागितलं . तात्या वैतागून म्हणाले, "एक कार्ड दिलंय नव्ह, अजून दुसरं कशाला?" कंडक्टर नम्रपणे म्हणाला ," अहो, तुम्हाला मोफत तिकीट द्यायचं तर मशीन आधार नंबर मागतंय नाहीतर अर्धं तिकीट घ्यावं लागंल तुम्हाला." ऐकतायत ते तात्या कुठले. कंडक्टर आणि तात्यात बाचाबाची सुरु झाली.
तेवढ्यात रखमाबाई आपल्या सीटवरून उठली. नऊवारी सावरत तात्यावर ओरडली, "आरं, साहेबाची नोकरी जाईल तुला असच फुकट बसवलं तर, कळायला नको का तू पंच्याहत्तरच्या वर हाय ते? लगा, पंचवीस रुपयाचं तिकीट काढायला किती त्रास देतोय, ते म्हणतायत नव्ह पुढल्या खेपेला घरी येतो सोडायला..!" कंडक्टर बावचळला. रखमाबाईला म्हणाला, "तुम्ही खाली बसा, कशाला मध्ये पडताय भांडणाच्या?"
सगळी बस रखमाबाईकडं बघत होती. रखमाबाईने पुढे बोलायला चालू केलं. तिच्या हातात आधार कार्ड तर होतच पण सोबत मतदान ओळखपत्र, एस.टी. कार्ड पण होता. तात्या तिच्या निशाण्यावरच होता अजून. "आर, मी बाई असून माझ्याकडं तीन कार्ड हाईत, तुला एक कार्ड आणायला कंटाळा येतुय का ?"
बावचळलेला कंडक्टर हसायला लागला. रखमाबाईला परत एकदा बस म्हणाला. तात्याकडे आता पर्याय नव्हता. तेवढ्यात मामाने पण आपला आधार कार्ड पुढे केला. आपल्या दक्खनी उर्दूत तात्याला बोलला, "इसको आधार कारड बोलते है, ये घेऊन आने का होता है , तभीच फुकट तिकीट मिळता है! आजकाल ये लोगोंको लहानपणीच मिळता है. " तात्याने आपल्या सदऱ्यातून २५ रुपये काढले आणि टेकवले कंडक्टर च्या हातावर. कंडक्टर अजून पण तात्याला समजावत होता, " मला कुठं वाटतंय तुम्ही तिकीट काढावं? मी आपला जी. आर. आलाय तो सांगतोय तुम्हाला. पुढच्या वेळेस घेऊन या आधार कार्ड. "
तात्या आता शांत बसला. शेवटी पंचवीस रुपयाचा फटका बसला त्याला. रखमाबाई खिडकीच्या बाहेर बघत होती. कंडक्टर आपल्या सीटवर निघून गेला. मामाने खिशातून चुना काढला. सगळे आपल्याआपल्या जगात निघून गेले, त्या छोट्याश्या आधार कार्ड नावाच्या कागदाला विसरून.
लेखक
चैतन्य
Saturday, December 24, 2022
युक्रेनचं युद्ध,सरते वर्ष आणि जागतिक बदलाचे वारे
रशियाचा पुतीन राजवटीत ला आणि एकंदर प्रवास बघितला तर रशियासारखा अवाढव्य देश नेहमीच आपल्या शेजारी राष्ट्रांना आपल्या ताब्यात ठेवायचा प्रयत्न करत असतो. शीतयुद्धाच्या समाप्तीनंतर जॉर्जिया (२००८), क्रिमिया (२०१४) ची युद्धे रशियाने या छोट्या देशांवर लादली. उद्दिष्ट हे कि अमेरिकेला (नाटोला ) आपल्या भूमीपासून दूर ठेवा. जगाच्या इतिहासात बलाढ्य राष्ट्रे छोट्या देशांवर कब्जा करण्याचा प्रयत्न करतात हे सर्वमान्य सत्य आहे. युक्रेनचा सुरु असलेला प्रतिकार आणि रशिया ने खेरसन सारख्या महत्वाच्या प्रदेशातून घेतली माघार दाखवून देते कि आपल्या देशाच्या बचावासाठी एक छोटा देश पण मोठ्या देशाशी लढू शकतो.
रशियाची खेरसन मधून माघार |
पण युक्रेनचा प्रतिकारास पाठिंबा आहे तो अमेरिकेचा आणि युरोपचा. ट्रूम्पकाळात दूर गेलेले हे पारंपरिक मित्र युक्रेनच्या मुद्द्यावर यावर्षी एकत्र येताना दिसतात. नाटोच्या मुद्द्यावरून मतभेद असले तरी नाटो हि आजही अमेरिका आणि युरोप साठी का महत्वाची ठरते याच उत्तरही युक्रेनमध्ये मिळत. रशिया. रशिया आणि अमेरिका आणि आता सोबतीला चीन यांच्यातील जागतिक कुरघोडीचे राजकारण युक्रेनसारख्या युद्धात प्रकर्षाने बाहेर येते. रशियाला आपल्या सुरक्षेची काळजी तर चीनला स्वस्त दरात इंधन आणि अजून गोष्टी हव्यात. रशिया यूरोपमध्ये घुसेल अशी युरोपियन युनिअनला भीती. अमेरिका थेट युद्धात तर नाही पण चीन आणि रशिया मिळून आपलया वर्चस्वाला मोठा देईल असे त्यांना वाटते.
अशा गुन्तागुन्तीच्या राजकारणात तेल, नैसर्गिक वायू, तेलबिया यांसारख्या गोष्टी प्रवेश करतात. रशिया युक्रेनमधून युरोपला नैसर्गिक वायूचा पुरवठा करणारी तेलवाहिनी बंद करायच्या धमक्या वर्षभर देत आहे. पुरवठादार युक्रेन तणावात असल्याने तेलबिया, अन्नधान्याच्या किमती कैकपटीने वाढल्या. त्यात अमेरिकेने रशियावर लादलेले निर्बंध रशियन तेलाच्या किमतीपण वाढवून गेले. एका युद्धाने इतके अनर्थ केले. जागतिकीकरणानंतरचे जग जोडलेले आहे असे आपण म्हणतो. कोव्हिडनंतर जागतिकीकरण मंदावल आहे अशा चर्चा होत्या. युक्रेन युद्धाचे आर्थिक परिणाम दाखवून देतात कि अजूनही जगाच्या एका भागात पडलेली ठिणगी वणवा पेटवू शकते.
२०२२ मध्ये तेलांच्या किमतीचा चढता आलेख |
शेवटचा मुद्दा असा कि पुतीन यांनी वारंवार दिलेल्या अण्वस्त्र वापराच्या धमक्या. कदाचित क्युबा नंतर पहिल्यांदाच जगाला अण्वस्त्रांची दाहकता जाणवली. संयुक्त राष्ट्रसंघासारखी संस्था अण्वस्त्र प्रश्न काय किंवा युक्रेन काय, आपला प्रभाव दाखवू शकली नाही. अण्वस्त्रांच्या पुनः प्रकटीकरणासोबतच या संघटनेच्या उपयुक्ततेचा मुद्दा देखील पुढे आला. जागतिक शांतता मृगजळ आहे असे अजूनही वाटते कारण एका बाजूला पुतीन सारखे नेते विनाश शक्य आहे हे दाखवतात तर संयुक्त राष्ट्रसंघ, ज्याचे उद्दिष्ट आहे कि जागतिक शांतता प्रस्थापित करणे, युद्धे थांबविण्यास अपयशी ठरतो.
युक्रेनयुद्धात दोन्ही बाजूंवर आलेला ताण पाहिला तर चर्चा करण्याची हीच वेळ आहे हे खरे. मात्र युद्ध थांबायची शक्यता पुतीन यांच्या भूमिकेवर आहे. त्यांनी जर अशीच धमकीवजा भाषा आणि कृती सुरु ठेवल्या तर युद्ध अजून लांबेल आणि त्याचे परिणाम विचार करण्यापलिकडे आहेत.
त्यामुळे सरत्या वर्षासोबत आठवणी घेऊन जाताना युक्रेनचं युद्धही आपण सोबत घेऊन जातोय आणि आशा करूयात कि नवीन वर्ष शांततेचा संदेश सोबत घेऊन येईल.
Saturday, November 26, 2022
COP 27, Sharm Al Sheikh and The Day After Tomorrow
Sharm Al Sheikh. A warm,quite town on the coasts of Egypt. The town has been in discussion since a last couple of weeks. COP 27 i.e. Conference of Parties 27 has been recently concluded here. As delegates have departed, the discussions about the outcomes of Sharm Al Sheikh Summit are happening on the high tables of the world. COP summits have been intrinsic part of climate change mitigation efforts and global politics around them. Institutionalized in 1995 as part of United Nations Conference on Climate Change (UNFCC) to negotiate Kyoto Protocol, annual COP summits have been discussing about carbon emission reduction strategies, mechanisms and other pressing issues related to environmental crisis.
Source |
COP 27 was held after a COP 26 at Glasgow last year which saw Global Methane Pledge, announcements of Net Zero carbon targets etc. COP 27 witnessed more radical gaps between developing and developed world i.e Global South and Global North over issues of climate finance and responsibility of developed world to help developing world in the transition towards carbon free economies. While Kyoto Protocol codified principle of "Common But Differentiated Responsibilities in Respective Capabilities" for emission reductions, the debate over what is Common and what is Differentiated still goes on.
This difference percolates in the area of Climate Finance as well. In Copenhagen COP in 2009, developed world had promised to fund mitigation efforts by $100 billion annually. The fund haven't been materialized yet. Meanwhile Paris Deal in 2015 sets target of "substantially reduce global greenhouse gas emissions to limit the global temperature increase in this century to 2 degrees Celsius while pursuing efforts to limit the increase even further to 1.5 degrees." As years pass on, climate change cannot wait for the next COP to arrive at consensus to increase efforts to mitigate its impact. Climate change events like melting of glaciers, forest fires, droughts have been intensified only.
Here we come to Sharm Al Sheikh. countries which have experienced wrath of nature without their fault, the most vulnerable ones come together to form V20 grouping in 2015. V20 group have been the most vocal one in COP 27. G7, the group of advanced economies even agreed with V20 countries to set up The Global Shield against Climate Risks. This arrangement is an initiative for pre-arranged financial support designed to be quickly deployed in times of climate disasters.” Initial contributions exceed EUR 210 million.
Here is the break in the story of COP summits. There has been numerous funds like this set up with the help of global institutions and nations. The issue is in the implementation and sustainability of such initiatives.
Much acclaimed achievement in COP 27 has been discussed is that of Loss and Damage Fund. In the area of climate finance, this has been considered as a landmark. The fund will support countries which are most vulnerable to climate disasters such as SIDS (Small Island Developing States) and also nations who have been the least responsible for global warming. Disaster ridden countries like Bangladesh, Nepal will also benefit. Pakistan who suffered from deadly floods taking huge toll on human lives there will be also included in Loss and Damage Fund.
There has been different opinions whether developing nations like India and China who are also largest emitters shall benefit from this. While developed world have emphasized that both should contribute to funds, India and China has been clear that though they would support world efforts, the climate change mitigation efforts shall not burden their growing economies.
The another significant development is of the introduction of proposals to 'phase out' all the fossil fuels. In COP 26, only coal has been part of the discussion of 'phase down' and 'phase out'. Though agreement couldn't reach to consensus on which basis COP summit takes decision, in principle, the development itself proved significant. The largest economies depend on gas and oil. As UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres pointed out, 'to achieve this, we need 'Just Energy Transition Partnerships.'
India's stand at COP 27 have been proactive and agenda setting. Not only it actively vouched for Loss and Damage Fund but also it proposed 'phasing down' all fossil fuels. It also released 'National Statement' . The statement didn't mention specific targets as such as it had in Glasgow through 'Panchamrit' strategy. The statement mentions, " India updated its Nationally Determined Contributions in August 2022. We have embarked on far-reaching new initiatives in renewable energy, e-mobility, ethanol blended fuels, and green hydrogen as an alternate energy source."Also it emphasized on LiFE mission (Lifestyle for Environment) focusing on behavioral change.
Another strategy India has constantly supported is of Coalitions like International Solar Alliance and the Coalition for Disaster and Resilient Infrastructure (CDRI). This gives leverage to its own way to have international cooperation in its 'enlightened self interest.'
COP 27 thus changed the way international climate change negotiations take place. Loss and Damage mechanism has been ray of hope, though its not clear who will fund it except vague mention of developed nations, philanthropists and private sector. Developed nations however now have moral responsibility for the climate disasters in vulnerable nations. Phasing down all fossil fuel usage proposal will have long term implications as the world is waking up to get ready for transition journey to renewables.
Decades ago it was narrative that global warming will take toll on us, if we, the citizens of the earth don't take efforts to mitigate it. Now, global warming has been there. Climate change is there for real. Thus, COP s will keep happening. COP 27 have shown that diplomatic, political cooperation is possible. Our job now is to get ready for climate resilient future as a human society.
A movie, A Day After Tomorrow depicts the reality of how world will be if don't act now. The movie however doesn't only show another ice age. Its following dialogue tells a story of how humans have survived so far. Jack Hall, protagonist in the movie is asked that what would happen to civilization if there is a next Ice Age. Hall answers, "well, mankind survived the last Ice Age, we are certainly capable of surviving this one. The only question is will we learn from our mistakes?"
Wednesday, October 26, 2022
'Renaissance State'- A Panoramic View on the Making of Modern Maharashtra
The importance of the book is neither because its first of its kind, nor the content Kuber has written. Since its first of its kind dealing with history of making of Maharashtra in English language with a pen of seasoned journalist who is currently editor of Loksatta, a leading Marathi daily in Maharashtra.
The name 'Renaissance' takes back us to Europe and its medieval ages. The arrival of individualism and rationality are its hallmarks. In Kuber's book, renaissance takes place in specific context of Maharashtra. Starting from Satvahanas to Chalukyas culminating in Rashtrakutas, Kuber starts with how the idea of Maharashtra gradually came into being. He points to decline of Yadavas, the first explicitly Marathi rulers because of invasion of Allauddin Khilji from the north.
In chapters like 'Darkness in the Noon', Kuber sets background to Chhatrapati Shivaji's arrival on the scene of Maharashtra. In the midst of Chaos of Bahaman Shahi rulers and their feudal power struggle with onslaught of Mughal invasions, Marathi people suffered a great loss. In 'O King Shivaji', the chapter in the beginning itself underlies the reason for- why does the name of King Shivaji have such huge reverence in common man? Kuber writes that probably because he was the first to accomplish setting up his own kingdom in an atmosphere where Watandars and Jahagirdars used to be power dealers.
In three chapters dedicated to King Shivaji, the book not only highlights his deeds for setting up Hindavi Swaraj, but also tells 'Why Shivaji matters?' First, Kuber argues, that Shivaji never considered himself the king of Marathi region alone. His was the first state of Hindavis- native,indigenous and born of the soil. Kuber also highlights the fact that Shivaji's swarajya often in mainstream is seen around Pune and around region. However, his endeavors went on to Jinji in the South, the largest kingdom maharashtra saw after Satvahanas.
Secondly, Shivaji's rule and administration also has rudiments of welfare state. Be it land reforms or improving agrarian production by directing state towards Rayat or Poor peasants, Shivaji sets precedent to rule for people, not for himself.
Further, Kuber also takes panoramic view of Marathas after Shivaji and Peshwa rulers as well. He has described Maratha adventures in Delhi politics from Bajirao I to defeat of Panipat to the defeat of Peshwas at the hands of British.
Further, In 'Renaissance State', he sets out notorious examples of social reformers in Maharashtra from Lokhitwadi Gopal Hari Deshmukh to Justice Ranade and Maharshi Karve and Pandita Ramabai. Along with reformers, the distinct aspect Kuber has dealt with is listing out stars of Maharashtra in renaissance stage in fields of science and technology (Dr.Shanakar Abaji Bhise), film making (Dadasaheb Phalke- the father of Indian Cinema), aeronautics (Shivkar Talpade). Usually this part is ingored in the mainstream narrative on Maharashtra.
In 'Many Poles One Centre', Kuber has pointed out to ideological catharsis Maharashtra has offered in freedom movement and afterwards. Its origin of saffron on right (Savarkar and Hedgewar), radical humanists (Pandurang Khankhoje), Communists (Sripad Dange), Labour leaders(Narayan Meghaji Lokhandey) and most importantly, the Dalit movements through works of Rajarshi Shahu, Mahatma Phule and Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar. Noting contributions of all these, the book sets Maharashtra into unique position of what was Germany in eighteenth century Europe who gave world Hegel, Marx, Nietzsche and Kant .
In the last chapters of book, Kuber goes on to note post independence developments in Maharashtra. In the 'best Prime Minister India never had', he categorically focuses on contribution of Yashwantrao Chavan to national politics, the first Chief Minister of Maharashtra and known as 'Maker of Modern Maharashtra.' After Chavan, Maharashtra haven't seen any stalwart to reach such high positions with the exception of Sharad Pawar who also have a missed chances to Prime Minister-ship in his records.
Girish Kuber delivering a talk in Fergusson College, Pune |
Throughout the whole book, however interesting story is, the work has mentioned castes of almost all noteworthy personalities. The purpose of doing so is confusing and unclear. Also, bibliography Kuber has given appears to be very limited given the time frame he has dealt with. Another limitation which Kuber himself mentions is that of missing out some notorious names and developments given the vastness of book is trying to encompass.
Overall, the Renaissance State provokes you to read it in one go such is the style of presentation and continuity of flow. Kuber concludes with question of "Gadya Apla Gaon bara" (Its better to be home) mentality having origins in the defeat of Marathas in Panipat. The post panipat Maharashtra have not been able to capture Delhi but it has continued its old tradition of not bowing before the throne of Delhi either. The post Panipat Maharashtra have to solve this quest for ruling Delhi by organizing all energies to create a Renaissance again .
Sunday, April 10, 2022
अस्वस्थ श्रीलंका
श्रीलंका .भारताच्या दक्षिणेला हिंदी महासागरात वसलेला हा बेटांचा देश. पाचूंची बेटे. सध्या श्रीलंकेत जे काही वातावरण तयार झाले आहे ते पाहता ही पाचूंची बेटे की असंतोषाचे असंख्य ज्वालामुखी असा प्रश्न पडतो. श्रीलंका जवळपास दिवाळखोरीत निघाली आहे. परिस्थिती इतकी चिघळली आहे ची तब्बल साडेबारा बिलियन डॉलरच्या कर्जाच्या खाईत हा छोटासा देश लोटला गेला. भरीस भर म्हणून नैसर्गिक आपत्ती ,हवामान बदल अशा प्रश्नांच्या जाळ्यात श्रीलंका गुरफटला.
The Pearl of Indian Ocean- Srilanka (Source- unique times magazine) |
श्रीलंकेला कर्जपुरवठा करण्यात आघाडीवर आहेत चीन, जपान आणि अशियाई विकास बँक. यातील एकट्या चीनने 5 बिलियन डॉलर पेक्षा जास्त पतपुरवठा श्रीलंकेला केला.ही रक्कम रस्ते, बंदरे, विमानतळ बांधण्यासाठी होती. पण यांचे कंत्राटदार चीनी. कर्जफेड करता करता नाकी नऊ आले म्हणून हंबानटोटा बंदर चीनला द्यावे लागले.
कर्जबाजारी होत असलेल्या श्रीलंकेस पर्यटन व्यवसायावर थोडीफार आशा होती. कोरोनाने तीही मारून टाकली. त्यात पर्यावरणात होत जाणारे बदल असतील, अस्थिर झालेला मान्सूनचा पाऊस, समुद्राची वाढत चाललेली पातळी या सगळ्यांनी श्रीलंकेला गेल्या काही वर्षात अक्षरशः तडाखे दिले .रासायनिक खतांनी नायट्रोजन ऑक्साईड वाढतो म्हणून त्यावर बंदी घालण्यात आली. शेतकऱ्यांनी या निर्णयाविरोधात आंदोलनं सुरू केली तेव्हा ती धोरण मागे घेतले.
या धोरण धरसोडपणास कारणीभूत श्रीलंकेतील सत्ताधारी राजपक्षे कुटुंबीय.राष्ट्रपती गोटाबायांपासून पंतप्रधान महिंदा राजपक्षे यांच्यासह नऊ राजपक्षे श्रीलंकेच्या सरकारमध्ये होते. भ्रष्टाचाराचे लागलेले आरोप, मनमानी कारभार यामुळे जनता आधीच यांच्यावर नाराज. वाढत जाणारा वर्णद्वेष , सामाजिक ध्रुवीकरण सर्व काही एकाच वेळी घडत होतं. इतक्या गंभीर परिस्थितीत आणीबाणी जाहीर झाली आणि बाहेर आला तो जनाक्रोश.
Source- India.com |
बौद्ध भिक्खूंपासून सामान्य नागरिकांपर्यंत प्रत्येक जण राजपक्षें विरोधात आंदोलन करतोय. कोणाच्या घरी रॉकेल नाहीये. कोणाकडे पेट्रोल नाहीये. अन्न मिळवण्यासाठी श्रीलंकेत रांगाच्या रांगा लागतात.यातून बाहेर पडताना श्रीलंकेला भारत आठवला. चीन यांना कर्जाशिवाय मदत करेल असं काही वाटत नाही. भारताने आतापर्यंत डिझेल, पेट्रोल ,तांदूळ आणि कित्येक कोटी रुपये मदत म्हणून पाठवले आहेत .
एकाच वेळी पाकिस्तान आणि श्रीलंकेत आर्थिक आणि राजकीय संकट येणं हा दक्षिण आशियाच्या राजकारणाचा पुढचा अंक. चीन आणि भारत यांच्यातील दक्षिण आशियातील स्पर्धा शिगेला पोहोचण्याचा हा काळ. श्रीलंकेतील संकटाचे ढग कोण कसे दूर करतो यावर दक्षिण आशियाच्या भविष्याची नांदी ठरेल.
Wednesday, February 16, 2022
नाटो , रशिया आणि युरोप - युक्रेन का धुमसतोय ?
युक्रेन. पूर्व युरोपातील जागतिक राजकारणातील एक प्यादं. युक्रेनच्या पूर्वेला अजस्त्र असा रशिया आणि पश्चिमेला युरोपियन युनियनचे सदस्य देश .युक्रेनमधील सध्या जी तणावपूर्ण परिस्थिती उद्भवली आहे ती उलगडण्यासाठी हा भौगोलिक पट खूप महत्त्वाचा ठरतो .
एकीकडे रशियाच्या धोरणांबाबत युरोप आणि अमेरिकेत असलेला आकस आणि खुद्द युक्रेनमधील अंतर्गत कलह यामध्ये युक्रेनची जनता भरडली जाते. रशियाने पुतिन यांच्या राजवटीमध्ये नाटो (NATO) पूर्व युरोपात होणाऱ्या विस्तारास पायबंद घालण्यास सुरुवात केली. 2008 मध्ये जॉर्जिया नंतर 2014 मध्ये क्रिमियावरील आक्रमण ही त्याची ठळक उदाहरणे.
(Source- https://www.drishtiias.com/images/uploads/1638871131_image1.png) |
रशियाच्या प्रांगणात सामरिकदृष्ट्या महत्त्वाचे असलेले हे भाग अमेरिकेला आपल्या प्रभावाखाली आणायचे आहेत. नाटोचे विस्तारीकरण आणि त्याला युरोपीय देशांचा पाठिंबा अशा दृष्टिकोनातून युक्रेन मधील परिस्थिती पाहता येईल. नाटोचे ओपन डोअर धोरण जे मागच्या आठवड्यात अमेरिकन परराष्ट्र मंत्री ॲथनी ब्लिंकन यांनी देखील अधोरेखित केले त्यानुसार कोणत्याही पात्र युरोपीय देशात नाटोमध्ये मध्ये सामील होता येते.
यक्षप्रश्न हा आहे की युक्रेन नाटो कराराचे सर्व निकष पूर्ण करू शकत नाही. सगळ्या युरोपियन युनियनच्या सदस्यांना युक्रेनचे नाटो सदस्यत्व मान्य आहे असेही नाही. युक्रेन नाटो मध्ये जाणार ही शक्यता पुतीन रशियाच्या सुरक्षेला संभाव्य धोका वाटते. आज जवळपास लाखभर हून अधिक रशियन सैनिक युक्रेनच्या सीमेवर हल्ला करण्याच्या पावित्र्यात आहेत नाटो कराराचे कलम 5 सांगते की एका सदस्यावर झालेला हल्ला हा सर्व सदस्यांवरील हल्ला मानण्यात येईल.(प्रिन्सिपल ऑफ कलेक्टिव डिफेन्स)
युक्रेन आज तरी नाटोचा सदस्य नसले तरी जर युद्धास सुरुवात झाली तर अमेरिका युक्रेनला सदस्यत्व घ्यायला भाग पाडू शकते. तरच अमेरिका आणि युरोपीय देश त्यांच्या मदतीला जाऊ शकतात. याचा दुसरा अर्थ असा कि रशियाने युक्रेन वर केलेला हल्ला हा अमेरिका आणि इतर नाटो सदस्य जसे फ्रान्स, जर्मनी, ब्रिटन आणि एकंदर संपूर्ण युरोप यांच्याविरुद्ध युद्ध ठरेल.
अशा परिस्थितीत बायडन- पुतीन आणि अनेक उच्चस्तरीय बैठका आणि राजनैतिक प्रयत्न विफल ठरले आहेत. अशीच परिस्थिती जेव्हा 2014 मध्ये आली होती तेव्हा मिंन्स्क
करारांमुळे वातावरण तात्पुरते निवळले होते. आजच्या घडीला रशियाने शीतयुद्धाच्या समाप्तीनंतर युरोपच्या सीमांवर सर्वात जास्त मोबिलायझेशन म्हणजेच सर्वात जास्त प्रमाणात सैन्य तैनात केलेले आहे. युद्धाचे ढग जमा झालेले असताना तात्पुरती का होईना पण युद्धजन्य परिस्थिती निवळणे आवश्यक ठरते .जागतिक राजकारणाच्या चालीरीती प्रमाणे प्रमाणे दोन्ही बाजूंवर तातडीने आंतरराष्ट्रीय दबाव टाकण्यात गरजेचे आहे.
(व्लादिमीर पुतीन आणि जर्मन चान्सलर स्कोल्ज यांची आजची बैठक)
काही तासांपूर्वीच पुतीन यांनी रशियास युरोपमध्ये युद्ध नको आहे अशी पत्रकार परिषदेत घोषणा करून वादावर पडदा टाकण्याचा प्रयत्न केला आहे. काही रशियन फौजा परत जातील असेही सांगण्यात आले आहे . युक्रेन सारख्या प्रश्नांवर दीर्घकालीन उपाययोजना करणे आवश्यक ठरते नाहीतर असे धुमसते प्रश्न आगीचे गोळे बनू शकतात.
Thursday, December 30, 2021
India at UNSC - Solid and Strategic Stances
4th January 2021. India began its eighth tenure at United Nations Security Council (UNSC) as a "non-permanent" member for two years. As 2021 is almost ending, it's pertinent to take a look at India's UNSC journey in this year, its strategic permutations and combinations and the song and dance of Indian diplomacy at the United Nations.
UNSC is known to be the only global body to have a tooth to bite, having wide powers to impose sanctions and to hold the breath of a member's economy and also to order military intervention in political crises under Chapter VII of UN Charter. The global scenario of trending US-China rivalry with deteriorated security situations in Afghanistan, Myanmar and many other places, the challenge of the Covid pandemic, increasing severity of disasters induced by climate change has added much more glamour to UNSC seat with less concrete substance on actual action agenda. In this context, India, a leader of the developing world, getting elected to UNSC becomes important in itself.
India campaigned for itself during UNSC elections with 5S i.e Samman, Samvad, Sahyog, Shanti, Samriddhi promoting responsible and inclusive solutions to international peace and security. Reformed Multilateralism involving the participation of the developing world in security affairs was major agenda. India got 184/192 votes to secure its bid. Against this backdrop, New Delhi started to unfold its stances on the global highest platform.
(source- Republic World) |
A few months later, the Afghanistan theatre opened up rapidly. India assumed the Presidency of UNSC in August 2021 when US withdrew and Taliban came at the helm. Resolution 2593 was adopted under India's presidency condemning attacks on airports in Afghanistan and vouching for humanitarian assistance to the people of Afghanistan. The resolution also demands assurances that Afghan soil will not be used for any kind of terrorism. India's focus remains on the people of Afghanistan whether its handling Afghanistan at UNSC and also at bilateral and regional levels. The security implications for investments India made in Afghanistan are not so favourable and hence, insisting that the Taliban have to pay attention to humanitarian issues becomes a natural choice.
UNSC also passed the first of its kind Presidential statement on maritime security while India was at the chair. PM Modi laid out five principles on maritime security related to trade, connectivity. peaceful settlement of disputes, disaster management and non-state actors. India's growing convergence with US on Indo Pacific and its maritime interests in supply chains and energy resources bring the maritime security agenda at the centre of India's contemporary foreign policy along with China front.
UNSC meet- powerful horseshoe table (Source- India today) |
Lastly, India successfully thwarted an attempt to bring climate change issues under the UNSC wing. India's Permanent Representative at UN, Amb. T.S. Tirumurti argued that "The reality is that developed countries have fallen well short of their promises. This is particularly important to recognise because today's attempt to link climate with security really seeks to obfuscate the lack of progress in critical issues under the UN FCC (Framework Convention on Climate Change) process." "India had no option but vote against (such resolution).", he added. India's demand for 'climate justice' at COP 26 has again underlined the longtime debate on Global North vs Global South. Global North consisting of the developed world have resisted the transfer of technology and finances to tackle climate change leading to a global divide on the same issue.
PR/Amb.T.S. Tirumurti on Climate issue and UNSC
On these lines, India stood firm at the UNSC table with resolve to act whenever the situation demands shedding hesitance to take clear stands on global issues. The change in approach is also related to enhanced diplomatic resources and multilateral links. India's consistent push for a "reformed multilateral" world signifies its commitments to small developing nations as well as desire to be in good books of existing permanents with Veto powers- USA, UK, France, Russia and China.
Although the very relevance of United Nations and UNSC acts have been debated as constraints of great power dynamics tighten, a seat at UNSC does give prestige and power necessary to be a great power at high tables. India's quest for a permanent seat at UNSC is long pending. India has sent solid signals in this one year UNSC tenure that it wants to engage with the world in a more firm way. Let's discuss what does this quest for a permanent place at a powerful horseshoe table and a reformed United Nations implies and what lies ahead.
References
- tirumurti: Our performance in UNSC again indicates that the world needs India to be at the horseshoe table permanently: Amb Tirumurti | India News - Times of India (indiatimes.com)
- India stand tall- Hindustan Times
- The World in 2021: An Epilogue | ORF (orfonline.org)
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